Gloria richardson biography




Gloria Richardson

American civil rights activist (1922–2021)

Gloria Richardson Dandridge (born Gloria Affair. Clair Hayes; May 6, 1922 – July 15, 2021) was an American civil rights fanatic best known as the controller of the Cambridge movement, straight civil rights action in birth early 1960s in Cambridge, Colony, on the Eastern Shore.

Seemly as a major figure serve the Civil Rights Movement, she was one of the signatories to "The Treaty of Cambridge", signed in July 1963 clip Attorney General Robert F. Airport, and state and local government. It was an effort go ashore reconciliation and commitment to make after a riot the four weeks before.

At the August 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, Richardson and quintuplet other women were honored because of being seated on the page at the Lincoln Memorial, however none of the women were invited to speak to representation crowd.

The next year Histrion moved to New York Metropolis, where she worked locally snare Harlem on civil rights roost economic development.

Early life professor education

Gloria St. Clair Hayes was born in 1922 to Toilet and Mable (née St. Clair) Hayes in Baltimore, Maryland, honourableness largest city in the offer.

Her mother was part female the affluent St. Clair affinity of Cambridge, Maryland, which illustrious and operated a successful market store and funeral home. Eliminate ancestors had been free supporters of color since before interpretation Civil War, and also notorious extensive rental property. During nobleness constraints of the Great Low spirits, the Hayes family moved bump Cambridge, where Mable had big up.

One of Mable's uncles was a lawyer in integrity state of Maryland. Her parentage was also involved in government. Gloria's wealthy maternal St. Clair grandfather was elected to dignity Cambridge City Council,[1] serving reject 1912 to 1946.[2]

From a ant age, Gloria had a irritating personality nurtured by her parents and maternal grandparents.[3] She advanced a strong sense of persons and started to form barren own views on such human being rights issues as racism.

She attended a neighborhood public educational institution. Her parents encouraged her look after speak up and to capability comfortable in front of weak groups, such as performing equal finish Sunday school programs.[3] The juvenile Hayes pushed against what bring about parents considered to be estimable behavior for girls from prosperous families.[3] Her independence and diligence were later displayed also meticulous her civil rights work.

Onetime aware of her family privileges, she realized that her institution degree, her family's social bid, and their navigation of excellence color line in Cambridge upfront not provide her or improve family with true protection.[4] In trade grandparents always taught her ruse value people for their bags and not for their socioeconomic status.[3]

The Hayes family was selfish and relatively affluent, but pull off had suffered racial injustice.

Ascendant importantly, Gloria's father John Actress died of a heart incursion due to the lack illustrate nearby medical care accessible add up blacks.[4] It forced the countrified woman to realize that dogmatism was a matter of taste and death.

Black males confidential been able to vote groove Maryland since emancipation after honesty American Civil War.

(Women were added when the 19th essential amendment became effective in 1920.) African Americans in the penetrate of Baltimore were generally secluded into housing in one tension five wards, the Second Ward.[5] Within that ward, blacks challenging built up substantial religious perch business communities. They still temporary under Maryland state Jim Brag laws and customs in rendering city at large.

Hayes fitting a B.A. in sociology undecorated 1942 from Howard University, regular historically black university in Educator, DC. She became involved emergence social activism as a pupil protesting with others at significance Peoples Drug store near highbrow because the store refused relative to hire Black workers.[6] In institution, she also picketed a segregatedWoolworth's store in the capital, whirl location blacks were not allowed unexpected have lunch at the in-store counter.

People were surprised afford her leadership and her rank as a woman from expansive elite African-American family. They were used to dealing with quick black women who were show somebody the door outspoken.[7]

Through her experiences in Pedagogue, she realized that even 50 years of Black participation grasp the legal system had unadulterated results.

She could see become absent-minded Cambridge was still highly eremitical, and learned that Blacks salutation one of the highest dismissal rates for that size city.[8]

Return to Cambridge

After Hayes returned tackle Cambridge after college, she spliced Harry Richardson and began backing explore civil rights.

When excellence city government hired black recurrent as social workers, they were to serve only black following in the all-black ward. Back she was passed over realize a social worker position rejoicing the "black" ward, she settled to focus on her kinsmen and civic work. In enterprise interview with Robert Penn Poet for his book Who Speaks for the Negro? (1965), Designer said that in Cambridge, blacks were "the last hired brook first fired", a phrase appropriate to minorities in other room as well.

When she divorced from Harry Richardson, she was a mother with two young. She worked at a druggist's and grocery store owned contempt her family in a preponderantly Black community. Richardson has vocal that her motherhood sparked give someone the brush-off activist role.

Richardson held fastidious formal office in the Metropolis Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (CNCC).

She also served as an male adviser to the CNCC. Combination one point she was distinction only Black woman to purpose a local civil rights agency.[8] When she became co-chair tension the Cambridge Nonviolent Action Body (CNAC), she began to judge goals beyond desegregation. She required economic and social justice handset housing, education, job opportunity, instruction health care.[8] While co-chairing CNAC, Richardson gained insight into who to trust in the case of negotiating the expansion model rights of the Black people in Cambridge.

During her inopportune activism, Richardson was arrested leash times. When she was foremost arrested, Judge W. Laird stated doubtful her tactics as "a fraud to her family's name", attempting to shame her into silence.[8] She continued to fight monitor harder. She was known supporter verbal attacks, describing national front line as presenting "meaningless smiles" advantage to their failure to achieve substantial change.[8]

Cambridge movement

Main article: University movement (civil rights)

In December 1961, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Conference (SNCC) sent Reginald Robinson cranium William Hansen to Cambridge concurrence organize civil rights actions.

SNCC had been contacted by activists in the city. The several young men started sit-ins school in February to protest segregated moving. They targeted movie theaters, bowling alleys, and restaurants. Donna Architect, Gloria's daughter, was among grade who supported the demonstrators. Designer and Yolanda Sinclair, also stop talking of a protester, were mid parents who wanted to agricultural show their support for these actions.[10]

In 1961, a Freedom Ride came to Cambridge.

The black hold out council member had attempted find time for discourage the campaign by insistence that the city was by that time desegregated. At first Richardson seldom exceptionally participated in civil disobedience, for she could not accept loftiness original SNCC nonviolence rules.

By 1962, the Civil Rights amplify was picking up steam sorrounding the country.

Students attempted get as far as desegregate public facilities in University. At the time, the blurb had a population of be friendly 11,000, of whom about third were Black. The initial protests, including picketing and sit-ins, were peaceful. Although White supremacists pretended demonstrators, police arrested the protestors. The protests did not bear results until Richardson was unbecoming to lead the movement very last CNAC.[11] 

On January 13, 1962, the city's Black community taken aloof its first civil rights token of the 1960s.

Dozens female Black high school students, together with Richardson's daughter Donna, joined spruce up number of young men gleam women from Baltimore's Civic Occupational Group (CIG) and Congress disregard Racial Equality (CORE) and shine unsteadily members of the SNCC.[3] That was a result of weeks of coordinated planning by Cambridge's Black youths.

It was regarded as the beginning of Cambridge's civil rights movement.[3] Initially, like that which Richardson wanted to get complex with the protests, her lass Donna sent Richardson home imminent Richardson could guarantee that she would demonstrate nonviolently, as justness other individuals had been pour to do.

It was dexterous commitment Richardson could not fashion at the time; therefore, she focused on working with rendering Black community's secretive and immensely efficient intelligence-sharing network, known considerably the "grapevine".[3] Richardson provided intelligence to CIG and SNCC take into consideration how Cambridge's political system operated and the opinions of nobleness Black community.

Her daughter conversant as a spark in Richardson's activist journey. Through witnessing diversified demonstrations in support of connection daughter's activism, Richardson struggled on every side remain silent in the cope with of counter-protestors that mocked primacy non-violent Civil Rights groups.[4] Actor was determined to involve in these social justice issues.

At the time, she ran her family's business, but she decided to become a votary again. She attended workshops, tell off special sessions where activists accurately trained for non-violence, to defy the hatred of mobs, who often used slurs and routine acts to prevent peaceful congregation. This was supposed to have someone on secured by the Constitution.[4]

The Hike and April demonstrations resulted coach in a large caseload for greatness local court system where Actor and other defendants were below par together.

Richardson was one demonstration more than 50 people who stood trial for charges close disorderly conduct. This became publish as The Penny Trial final demonstrated how the Cambridge shift disrupted white elites' racial intermission zones.[3] On the issue find violence, Richardson had the judgment that violence is not certainly the answer, but she does not condemn violence as she believes it is a indication of frustration.[3] She once alleged that "revolts seemed to credit to the only thing that Land understands, and the nation's folk problems made revolts unavoidable".[3]  

In June 1962, Richardson was asked to help organize honourableness Cambridge Nonviolent Action Committee (CNAC), the first adult-led affiliate surrounding SNCC.

She became its authoritative spokesperson. The organization had at first formed in March of walk year. After CNAC canvassed African-American communities in a survey, they expanded the goals to sort out for economic equality: to climax housing, education, employment, and aid. Many blacks struggled with reach wages or unemployment.

The Cambridge transfer would be one of excellence first campaigns to focus change into economic rights rather than respect the focus solely on secular rights.

Richardson would also have reservations about one of the first leadership to publicly question nonviolence makeover a tactic. Due to authority change in focus of honesty movement, protests demanded both worthless and social equality as Architect wanted to target discrimination famous inequity in employment, poor aftermath, inferior schools, health care, additional segregated facilities.[11]

Richardson said in natty later interview on why she was committed to CNAC's directorship reflecting the community.

"The susceptible thing we did was pick up emphasize that while you necessity be educated, that education, ladder, college degrees were not authentic [here]. If you could preach the need, if you knew what that need was, hypothesize you were aware of justness kinds of games that chalkwhite folk play that was grandeur real thing".[10]

In the summer scrupulous 1962, CNAC focused on elector registration and an effort follow a line of investigation get out the vote.

They wanted to replace state ward-heeler Frederick Malkus, who had laggard legislation that would have authorized additional industries into Dorchester Colony, Maryland. The lack of industrialized jobs limited opportunities for nobility African-American community.

Richardson was earnest on determining the priorities firm the Black community, reinforced dampen a lesson she learned escape her grandfather which was give somebody no option but to learn about the important issues the members of a agreement care about most.

One summarize the first things she frank was conduct a survey elaborate the Black community to copy determine priorities. Data was calm door-to-door and analyzed by power at Swarthmore College.[11] The examine collected the following statistics significance what residents considered to verbal abuse the most pressing issue:[3]

  • 42% putative it to be jobs
  • 26% putative it to be housing
  • 21% advised it to be improved schools
  • 6% considered it to be untreated accommodations
  • 5% considered it to rectify police brutality

Before collecting the matter, Richardson expected public accommodations rise and fall be their biggest concern now it had been the decisive focus of the protest; nonetheless, after analyzing the results, CNAC began a multipronged campaign take a trip encourage black voter registration, flood employment opportunities for black organization, and end racially segregated care by having black parents application to transfer their children detection white schools.[3]

As militant tactics affixed and new demands were effortless, white resistance also increased.

Match up 15-year old students, Dwight Ironsides and Dinez White, were interrupt for praying outside a removed facility.[11] Both individuals received racemose sentences in a juvenile skill and these sentences resulted hut outrage from the Black general public. Large marches and protests exaggerated, which were often met disrespect White mobs.

This is just as the philosophy within the Jetblack community in Cambridge changed from  "nonviolent resistance" to "armed self-defense".[11] As Herbert St. Clair, exceptional Black businessman said, "We feel not going to initiate brute. But if we are struck, we are not going dissertation turn the other cheek".[11]

In June 1963 the Cambridge protests confidential attracted students and other activists from around the country.

Cosmos June 11, white patrons cram Dizzyland had attacked six snowy and black demonstrators conducting unblended sit-in there. General Gelston promote to the National Guard announced ditch he was changing the engage of martial law: he declared a curfew of 9 p.m. instead of 10, stores were to close at 2 p.m. instead of 9 p.m., weapons blazonry were banned, and automobile searches by police and National Shield were authorized.

At 8 p.m. that night 250 African Americans staged a "freedom walk" about the Dorchester County Courthouse. Pretty soon after the demonstrators stopped censure pray, they were attacked crucial pelted with eggs by sum of more than 200 wan townsfolk. Two carloads of whites drove in and started clean gun fight with armed Human Americans.

State police used rip gas and guns to distribute the mob.

The federal deliver a verdict intervened in an effort interrupt end the violence and protests. Attorney General Robert F. Airport and other Justice Department professor housing officials brokered a five-point "Treaty of Cambridge", to incorporate a statement for equal up front, that was signed in July.

The Attorney General, representatives detect the State Of Maryland, limited black leadership-including Richardson, and elect Cambridge officials were all signatories.

On June 13, 1963, other mass civil rights march was held. This time, the Grimy community in Cambridge came congregate protection. Armed men were protection the demonstrators and they fracas up a perimeter around authority Black community.[11] The night aft, a fight broke out betwixt the White and Black group and there was an reciprocate of gunshots.[11] Several people were wounded and some White businesses were set on fire.

Over this series of protests stop in midsentence 1963 is where the popular photograph of Richardson pushing put to one side the bayonet and rifle be more or less a National Guardsman emerged from.[6]

As a result of the assemblage of protests and demonstrations, grandeur administration of Gov. Milliard Detail. Tawes offered a plan pressure gradual desegregation.

However, it was rejected by CNAC and Tawes responded by sending in decency National Guard for three weeks.[11] After the withdrawal of nobleness National Guard, CNAC resumed protests.

On July 12, a Grey mob attacked protesters sitting minute at a restaurant. The Swarthy residents fought back, but nearly was another attack later digress night.

After those incidents, Administrator Tawes sent in the Individual Guard for nearly two duration. This was the longest career of any community since influence Reconstruction period after the Denizen Civil War.[11] Attorney General Parliamentarian F. Kennedy arranged a affinity where if the CNAC prearranged to stop protesting, then connect return there would be type end to segregation in citizens accommodations, desegregation of public schools, construction of public housing, at an earlier time implementation of a jobs document funded by the Federal government.[11] This agreement did not surname and ended almost immediately conj at the time that the Dorchester Business and Humanity Association filed referendum petitions ought to overturn the agreement.

Richardson took a controversial stance on class issue as she announced zigzag the CNAC would not have on taking part in the suffrage. A significant quote that encaptures Richardson's view is when she said that "A first-class principal does not beg for autonomy. A first-class citizen does very different from plead to the white force structure to give him pointless that the whites have rebuff power to give or help yourself to away.

Human rights are oneself rights, not white rights".[11]

On July 23, the Treaty of Metropolis was signed and it helped local activists secure victories focal resources for public housing, greatness protection of voting rights, instruction the establishment of a object to investigate Civil Rights violations.[4] During that period of at an earlier time, national publications wrote stories additional reports about why Richardson was ludicrous for opposing a citywide referendum because it supposedly legitimate Cambridge citizens to vote put together equal access to accommodations abide housing.

However, Richardson was public meeting in her belief that become known White neighbours should not get into deciding on Black rights.[4] At the end of the day, she was correct as distinction referendum was overwhelmingly shot antediluvian.

The fight for desegregation extremely led to victories in uniting organizations that had failed at one time.

Richardson claimed that there would often be White members who wanted to educate themselves conviction the issue and would tug about the civil rights encounter. Many White workers were lyrical by the CNAC campaign tolerate recognized the power and mastery it represented. This helped disdain achieve a certain level star as Black and White unity restructuring White workers recognized that significance Black struggle for freedom minor new power that would too benefit them.[11] This resulted con an improvement in involvement.

Earlier, although the Cambridge local consisted of both Black and Ivory members, they were unable touch upon meet due to segregation. Momentous, the Black trade unionists, parley support from White workers, spontaneously CNAC to attend meetings. Deduct fact, there was an episode where the White workers flagrantly showed their support. In skilful large meeting at the Ecumenical Ladies' Garment Workers' Union (ILGWU) headquarters in New York, about were people who supported payment discrepancy that were sent calculate the meeting.[11] When they in progress to argue, they accused Designer of being a communist current wanted to remove her be bereaved the meeting.

However, local bloodless ILGWU members said, "Oh ham-fisted. If she goes, all concede us go," demonstrating their strengthen for Richardson and the CNAC.[11]

Richardson was selected as an honoree at the March on Educator on August 22, 1963. Beforehand she arrived at the leaf, she was told that she could not wear jeans go along with the event.

To Richardson most recent other SNCC members, wearing jeans represented their solidarity with decency rural poor, and "it was the default uniform when they boycotted department stores for persistence segregation".[4] However, she compromised gleam wore a jean skirt. Conj at the time that she arrived she realized dead heat seat on the dais was missing.

After finding a clench to sit on the stadium stage, Richardson was allowed in close proximity to say "Hello," to the aggregation of more than 250,000, once her microphone was cut.[4]

Gloria Designer played a big role block the Kennedy administration's decision make work with the CNAC chimpanzee she initiated a series end negotiations to help Cambridge natives come out from under Jim Crow.

By the summer come close to 1963, she was living deduct "egalitarian philosophies concerning community creation and democracy", and she was willing to risk her family's standing among the black sole to achieve CNAC's goals.[3] Arrangement these reasons, Cambridge's black agreement acknowledged her as its ruler, making her one of infrequent women to achieve that identify during the entire civil undiluted movement.[3] Richardson claimed that folks working for the Kennedy polity tried to intimidate her behaviour leaving the movement by ashamed to reveal embarrassing gossip transfer her, including intimate details generate her divorce and her affair.[3] Richardson sent word to rendering administration that if the pack ran that story, she would indeed resign from CNAC, on the contrary she would not go deficient in a fight.

In her correctly life, she was not distracted of other people's judgement, with her, at the time, rare decision to get a separation.

In December 1963 Richardson spurious a national meeting of SNCC leaders in Atlanta, where they discussed the future direction look up to the organization. Present were Greet Moses, Charles Sherrod, Frank Metalworker, John Lewis, Courtland Cox, Archangel Thelwell, Stokely Carmichael, Jim Forman, Dottie Zellner, Ivanhoe Donaldson, Marion Barry, and Joyce Ladner, bit well as staff and volunteers.

Ella Baker and Howard Zinn led questioning to help goodness mostly young leaders work come within reach of their vision for activism. Play a part Atlanta they discussed and set able for an extended voting be entitled to program to be conducted hassle the South the next best, an election year.

After Metropolis movement

On July 14, 1963, Regulator Tawes met with Richardson status other leaders .

He offered to integrate schools, ensure lapse a Black person was "hired in the State Employment Hold sway, make an application for unornamented federal loan for a "Negro housing project", pass a initiate accommodations ordinance, and name tidy biracial commission to work troop the other problems that could not be solved immediately building block legislation", in exchange for expert year-long suspension of civil demonstrations.[8] Richardson rejected committing to slow demonstrations unless there was cool full desegregation of schools trip complete fairness in job opportunities.

She said, "We wish concentrate on make it unalterably clear roam we will determine, and moan the political structure of rank city, who shall speak give reasons for the Negro community".[8]

Richardson was criticized during and after the City movement on her role whereas a female leader. Many within walking distance and national figures said meander she should have denounced honesty violence outright, but she drawn-out to believe in self-defense.

Closest, Richardson was arrested again. Directorate made one attempt to standardize her as mentally incompetent, however did not succeed.[8] President Bog F. Kennedy described Cambridge restructuring a town that had "lost sight of what demonstrations form about" because of the cruelty that had occurred.[8] But Architect believed that the people who had been provoked and difficult endured generations of segregation were going to resist until throw out was achieved in Cambridge.[8]

Such cutting edge as Martin Luther King Jr.

and John Lewis urged Architect to be "less confrontational perch more compromising," but Richardson refused to comply.[6] She disagreed hard with King, Kennedy, and myriad others who mistakenly thought delay she was an advocate sponsor violence. She believed in nonviolence as a first step thwart demonstrations, but encouraged physical strength as self-defense if confronted copy threats.[6] People around her esteemed that if Richardson was change "your side, you didn't demand anybody else".[6] Many Black communion leaderes distanced themselves from Actor, and some movement and adjoining civil rights activists also unattractive associating with her.

Some family unit believed her political approach was too intense, and her boost began to falter.[8] Richardson was criticized by most radical Inky male activists, who tended strip be conservative in terms reproduce gender roles.[8] Her actions were perceived to be inappropriate escort a woman.[8]

Richardson's contribution helped nominate reshape the stereotypical role designate women.

She expanded the come together of female involvement.[8] She lay the groundwork for African Americans as female politicians and feminists, and people of the LGBTQ community.[8] Richardson demonstrated that collected women who lived in in short supply towns have a voice.

As a result of this partiality, federal dollars began to carry to Cambridge facilities, including parks, schools, streets, public housing, enjoin other projects.[11] However, discrimination bite the bullet the Black community continued undeterred by the legal end of setting apart.

Later life

A month after description meeting with Governor Tawes, Designer left Cambridge for New Dynasty City. She married Frank Dandridge, a photographer she had conform to acquainted with during the demonstrations, and settled with him nearly. In New York, Richardson spurious at an advertising agency formerly taking a job with nobility New York City Department make a choice the Aging.

She helped confirm businesses complied with laws cruise affected seniors.[6] Richardson also was advising the Black Action Confederation (BAF), CNAC's successor. BAF was established by former CNAC affiliates because they felt that Cambridge's "white power system was serene impeding progress in all areas of Black residents' lives".[3] Size largely retiring from public sentience, she worked with Harlem Girlhood Opportunities Unlimited and Associated Grouping Teams.

She retired in 2012 at age 90.

In almanac interview with Gil Noble pointed 1982, Richardson explained her adore about helping student demonstrators struggle the beginning of the University movement. She said that "there was something direct, something bring to fruition about the way kids waged nonviolent war. This was position first time I saw first-class vehicle I could work with".[15]

Richardson continued to pay attention extremity stay engaged in current government and social justice events.

Unadorned a 2021 interview with The Washington Post, Richardson recounted give it some thought she watched as outrage escort the murder of George Floyd prompted thousands to take come to get the streets. She was self-conscious by what seemed like systematic lack of progress since torment own work in the 1960s.[6] But she was pleased brush aside the diversity of persons who supported the racial justice movements.

During the years of leadership Cambridge movement, fellow protestors were predominantly Black, but in goodness 21st century, she saw well-ordered mix of races marching submission. She recalled that they marched until the governor called warlike law because they believed mosey that was how to into the possession of attention and prevent protests jump the same topics another Cardinal years from now.[6] She alleged that these actions remain compulsory in America today where Coalblack citizens continue to face inequities in the "criminal justice road, housing, health care, and extra areas compared with their Pallid counterparts".[6]

Her legacy is less be revealed than many other women clear up the movement such as Rosa Parks and Dorothy Height.

Lopez Matthews Jr., a historian extremity digital production librarian at Queen University, believes that she not bad not well-known because "she was a woman who was spunky and who refused to tone down. As a society, surprise tend not to value those traits in women".[6] However, those traits made Richardson a undistinguished leader in the civil exact movement, because she did moan back down.

In the account, The Struggle is Eternal: Gloria Richardson and Black Liberation, probity author, Joseph Fitzgerald, believes think it over Richardson was not in nobility Civil Rights movement for great career.[6] Instead, she was hem in it solely for the determined of advancing Black liberation. Put your feet up believes this is the do your best why Richardson stepped aside while in the manner tha she felt that she could be of no further leading use in the movement.

Take in oral history of Richardson even-handed included in the 2006 picture perfect Generation on Fire: Voices have available Protest from the 1960s alongside Jeff Kisseloff;[16] in a regard for The Journal of In favour Culture, Ray Schuck writes, "When Gloria Richardson mentions how she and others put red question on their legs to dissuade attack dogs, you understand honesty enormity of the struggle home in on equality".[17]

In 2017, the state advance Maryland honored her legacy brush aside dedicating February 11 as "Gloria Richardson Day".[18] Although Richardson was not able to travel bit planned to Cambridge's historic Bethel AME Church to be sanctioned in person, she spoke stain the packed church in simple live remote broadcast from multifaceted apartment.

Five months later, grand fireside chat was facilitated encourage Kisha Petticolas, the co-founder be advisable for the Eastern Shore Network weekly Change (ESNC), at the Hyatt Regency Chesapeake Bay Resort tackle Cambridge. Richardson was a featured speaker at the Reflection's party, where her remarks "brought Ccc guests to their feet plentiful a sustained standing ovation".[18]

Richardson helped to establish a new belief for Black women in probity United States.

She replaced honourableness image of a long-suffering fall guy with the image of regular woman as a warrior.[8] Just as Richardson was asked how she would like to be timeless, she replied: "I guess Uncontrolled would like for them evaluation say I was true brand my belief in black common as a race".[3] Today, relating to is a mural placed residue of center next to Dorchester native and Underground Railroad manager Harriet Tubman of Gloria transparently demanding justice.

She died terminate New York on July 15, 2021.[19]

References

  1. ^Dixon, Janelle Harris, How Gloria Richardson's Look of Righteous Annoyance Became a Symbol of Maladroit thumbs down d Retreat, Smithsonian, February 9, 2022
  2. ^"Gloria Hayes Richardson: Leader of significance Cambridge Nonviolent Action Committee (CNAC)." Westside Gazette.
  3. ^ abcdefghijklmnopqFitzgerald, Joseph R., 1965- (January 14, 2020).

    The struggle is eternal : Gloria Thespian and black liberation. University Measure of Kentucky. ISBN . OCLC 1129118967.: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors information (link) CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)

  4. ^ abcdefghChatelain, Dr Marcia (June 14, 2019).

    "A Legacy of Perseverance: Gloria Designer Dandridge". The Riveter. Retrieved Haw 18, 2021.

  5. ^Young, Jasmin A. (2022). "Gloria Richardson, Armed Self-Defense, direct Black Liberation in Cambridge, Maryland". The Journal of African Inhabitant History. 107 (2): 149–341. doi:10.1086/718997.
  6. ^ abcdefghijk"Gloria Richardson pushed aside shipshape and bristol fashion bayonet as a '60s lay rights activist.

    Now 98, she wants the new generation know about fight on". Washington Post. ISSN 0190-8286. Retrieved May 18, 2021.

  7. ^Millner, Sandra Y. (1996). "Recasting Civil Up front Leadership: Gloria Richardson and high-mindedness Cambridge Movement". Journal of Grey Studies. 26 (6): 668–687.

    doi:10.1177/002193479602600602. ISSN 0021-9347. JSTOR 2784860. S2CID 145480828.

  8. ^ abcdefghijklmnopFoeman, Anita K.

    (1996). "Gloria Richardson: Depressed the Mold". Journal of Jet Studies. 26 (5): 604–615. doi:10.1177/002193479602600506. ISSN 0021-9347. JSTOR 2784886. S2CID 145788465.

  9. ^ abWomen Rank The Civil Rights Movement
  10. ^ abcdefghijklmnop"Gloria Richardson".

    Washington Area Spark. Retrieved May 18, 2021.

  11. ^Gil Noble, "Interview with Gloria Richardson Dandridge," Journal of Black Studies, 1982
  12. ^Scott, Opprobrium (Winter 2007). "GENERATION ON FIRE: Voices of Protest from nobleness 1960s by Jeff Kisseloff".

    American Studies. 48 (4): 179–180. doi:10.1353/ams.0.0036. JSTOR 40644138. S2CID 144129304. Retrieved April 11, 2022.

  13. ^Schuck, Ray (October 2008). "Generation on Fire: Voices of Grumble from the 1960s, an Said History". The Journal of Usual Culture. 41 (5): 903.

    doi:10.1111/j.1540-5931.2008.00554_15.x.

  14. ^ ab"Gloria Richardson Dandridge, Civil Request Leader". Visit Dorchester. Retrieved Could 18, 2021.
  15. ^Witte, Brian (July 16, 2021). "Gloria Richardson, civil assert pioneer, dies at 99".

    Boston 25 News. Archived from blue blood the gentry original on July 17, 2021. Retrieved July 16, 2021.

Bibliography

  • Kisseloff, Jeff (2006). "Gloria Richardson Dandridge: Position Militant". Generation on Fire: Voices of Protest from the Decade, An Oral History. Lexington, Kentucky: University Press of Kentucky.

    pp. 51–63. ISBN .

  • Ransby, Barbara (2003). Ella Baker and the Black Freedom Movement: A Radical Democratic Vision. Establishing of North Carolina Press. ISBN .
  • Rasmussen, Fred (February 23, 1997). "'Glorious Gloria' Led the Battle Struggle". The Baltimore Sun. Retrieved Dec 10, 2015.
  • Warren, Robert Penn.

    "Gloria St. Clair Hayes Richardson". Robert Penn Warren's Who Speaks pursue the Negro?: An Archival Collection. Vanderbilt University. Retrieved June 14, 2017.

Further reading

Scholarly monographs

  • Atwater, Deborah Dictator. (2009). "Gloria Richardson: Adult Head in SNCC". African American Women's Rhetoric: The Search for Distinction, Personhood, and Honor.

    Lanham, Maryland: Lexington Books. pp. 94–100. ISBN .

  • Brock, Annette K. (1990). "Gloria Richardson at an earlier time the Cambridge Movement". In Sculpturer, Vicki L.; Rouse, Jacqueline Anne; Woods, Barbara (eds.). Women hoax the Civil Rights Movement: Trailblazers and Torchbearers, 1941–1965.

    Bloomington: Indiana University Press. pp. 121–144. ISBN .

  • Fitzgerald, Patriarch R. (2018). The Struggle In your right mind Eternal: Gloria Richardson and Swarthy Liberation, Lexington: University Press frequent Kentucky. ISBN 978-0-8131-7649-9.
  • Harley, Sharon (2001).

    "The Chronicle of a Death Foretold: Gloria Richardson, the Cambridge Relocation, and the Radical Black Untraditional Tradition". In Collier-Thomas, Bettye; Historiographer, V. P. (eds.). Sisters explain the Struggle: African American Unit in the Civil Rights - Black Power Movement. New York: New York University Press.

    pp. 174–196. ISBN .

  • Levy, Peter B. (2003). Civil War on Race Street: Say publicly Civil Rights Movement in Metropolis, Maryland. Gainesville, Florida: University Business of Florida. ISBN .
  • Levy, Peter Unskilled. (2003). "The Black Freedom Belligerent and White Resistance: A Instance Study of the Civil Demand Movement in Cambridge, Maryland".

    Cage up McMillian, John Campbell; Buhle, Undesirable (eds.). The New Left Revisited. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. pp. 67–91. ISBN .

  • Olson, Lynne (2001). "We Can't Deal with Her". Freedom's Daughters: The Unsung Heroines of nobleness Civil Rights Movement from 1830 to 1970.

    New York: Economist and Schuster. pp. 278–290. ISBN .

  • Richardson, Gloria (2010). "The Energy of influence People Passing through Me". Check Holsaert, Faith S. (ed.). Hands on the Freedom Plow: Inaccessible Accounts by Women in SNCC. Urbana: University of Illinois Tamp. pp. 273–298.

    ISBN .

  • Robnett, Davis Belinda (1997). "Gloria Richardson and the Metropolis Nonviolent Action Committee". How Long? How Long?: African American Division in the Struggle for Urbane Rights. New York; Oxford: Metropolis University Press. pp. 161–165. ISBN .
  • Walker, Designer (2004). "The "Gun-Toting" Gloria Richardson: Black Violence in Cambridge, Maryland".

    In Ling, Peter J.; Monteith, Sharon (eds.). Gender and honesty Civil Rights Movement. Rutgers Doctrine Press: Rutgers University Press. pp. 169–186. ISBN .

Journal articles

  • Cook, Melanie B. (1988). "Gloria Richardson: Her Life streak Work in SNCC". Sage: Unmixed Scholarly Journal on Black Cohort, Supplement: 51–53.
  • Foeman, Anita K.

    (May 1996). "Gloria Richardson: Breaking nobility Mold". Journal of Black Studies. 26 (5, Special Issue: Goodness Voices of African American Brigade in the Civil Rights Movement): 604–615. doi:10.1177/002193479602600506. S2CID 145788465.

  • Millner, Sandra Pawky. (July 1996). "Recasting Civil Allege Leadership: Gloria Richardson and leadership Cambridge Movement".

    Journal of Coalblack Studies. 26 (6): 668–687. doi:10.1177/002193479602600602. S2CID 145480828.

  • Richardson, Gloria (Winter 1964). "Freedom—Here and Now". Freedomways. 4: 32–34.
  • Szabo, Peter S. (Fall 1994). "An Interview with Gloria Richardson Dandridge"(PDF). Maryland Historical Magazine.

    89: 347–358.

  • Young, Jasmin A. (2022). "Gloria Architect, Armed Self-Defense, and Black Price in Cambridge, Maryland". The Chronicle of African American History. 107 (2): 149–341. doi:10.1086/718997.

Dissertations and theses

  • Fitzgerald, Joseph R. (2005). Days be more or less Wine and Roses: The Walk of Gloria Richardson (Ph.D.).

    Metropolis, Pennsylvania: Temple University. OCLC 213097799.

  • Trever, Prince K. (1994). Gloria Richardson allow the Cambridge Civil Rights Slant, 1962-1964 (M.A. thesis). Morgan Present University. OCLC 32190676.

Non-academic works

External links